Displaying items by tag: economy

Raúl Castro has stepped down as head of Cuba’s Communist Party, leaving Cubans without a Castro to lead them for the first time in over 60 years.

Q REPORTS (NY Times) When Raúl Castro retired as Cuba’s top leader Monday, he left a warning for a nation increasingly divided over the legacy of its Communist revolution: The choice at hand is continuity of the revolution’s ideals, or defeat.

Since 1959, when Raúl and his older brother, Fidel, led an insurgency against an American-backed dictator to victory, Cuba has been led by a Castro. Now, as Raúl — who is 89 and succeeded his older brother — steps down from the helm of the Communist Party, he leaves a country that is torn by the most brutal economic crisis in decades.

There is also a deep generational rift.

Fidel Castro, then president of Cuba, and his brother Raúl, then vice president, in Havana in 1978.Credit…OFF/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

Many older Cubans remember the poverty and inequality they faced before the Castros, and remain loyal to the revolution despite decades of hardship. But younger generations, who grew up with the achievements of socialism, including access to education and health care, chafe at its limits. They are demanding less government control and more economic freedom.

LeoGrande, an expert on Cuba affairs and a professor at the American University. “And that’s one of the Cuban government’s principal challenges going forward, because their historic base of support is gradually retiring and dying off.”

Mr. Castro relinquished the nation’s most powerful position — first secretary of the Communist Party — on Monday, the last day of the party’s four-day congress, held this year under the banner of “Unity and Continuity.”

The man chosen as the next head of the Communist Party is Cuba’s current president, Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez, who turns 61 later this month. A party stalwart, Mr. Díaz-Canel is part of a younger generation that wants a gradual opening of the country, though no change to Cuba’s system of one-party rule.

The party conference, which happens every five years, was staged to underscore the endurance of revolutionary ideals in Cuba. But the transition comes at what may be a tipping point for the island.

Over the past few years, as the Trump administration imposed stringent sanctions on Cuba and the tourism industry was decimated by the pandemic, Cubans have seen their country’s economy plummet once again, with many waiting for hours in bread lines. The country’s lauded health care system is frayed. And the number of Cubans trying to leave the island is going up, though it is still far from the exoduses of the 1980s and 1990s.

“The Communist Party lives off the achievements of a long time ago, from when they began,” said Claudia Genlui, an activist with the San Isidro political movement, a collective of artists who have protested against the Communist Party in recent months. Although the group is small, it has surprised the nation with its continued defiance.

“The party does not represent my generation, it does not represent me,” Ms. Genlui said, adding that “there is a lack of generational connection, of interests, of priorities, and all of that somehow drives us away.”

Mr. Castro, to some extent, would agree.

Although Fidel held fast to his rallying cry of “socialism or death” until he died in 2016, the younger Mr. Castro grew to realize that reform was necessary to quell growing discontent and began opening up the country’s economy.

After Fidel formally resigned from the presidency in 2008, Raúl Castro prioritized recruiting younger Cubans into the Communist Party and putting younger members into top government positions. On Monday, the party held elections for its 17-member Politburo, selecting younger members to the body to replace the last of what Cubans call the “historics,” veterans of the armed revolution.

That has sat well with some Cubans.

“I think we’ve got to move on to a new generation, younger people with new ideas,” said Osvaldo Reyes, 55, a taxi driver in Havana, while voicing his support for Mr. Castro and the Communist Party. “A revolution should keep transforming, keep doing the best for people.”

When the Castro brothers started their popular uprising, they tapped into a deep well of discontent many Cubans had over their country’s corrupt ruling elite, which was not just out of touch but also unconcerned by the dire living conditions of most Cubans.

The brothers led a scrappy insurgency against the country’s dictator, Fulgencio Batista, and Cuba became a bulwark against decades of American intervention in Latin America.

But decades later, it would be the Castro brothers and their Communist Party that would be criticized by ordinary Cubans as out of touch. When Raúl Castro took over as head of the Communist Party in 2011, he was surrounded by a government stacked with octogenarian generals.

While many Cubans are fiercely proud of their nation’s sovereignty, they have tired of watching the same revolution-era generals control nearly every aspect of their lives, from how much they earn to the food they eat.

“Lots of people still don’t feel represented because he didn’t manage to breach the gap between the government and the people,” Adilen Sardiñas, 28, said of Raúl Castro.

While Ms. Sardiñas expressed frustration with the slow pace of reforms, like many interviewed, she also blamed America for a decades-long embargo that has crippled Cuba’s economy and further embittered Cubans against the United States.

“We need a change, but I don’t know if we’ll be able to because we’ve got our neighbor, the U.S., stepping on our heels and closing doors everywhere,” she said.

Even among older Cubans who still support the Communist Party, many agree it is inaccessible, ruling from a perch.

“It is impossible to continue a socialist policy without having any interaction with citizens,” said Rafael Hernandez, the editor of Temas Magazine, a quasi-independent Cuban publication linked to the state. “They need to democratize the political system and the base of the Communist Party.”

Reform has proceeded at a glacial pace, slowed by a bureaucracy worried about losing its privileges and by the revolution’s old guard, suspicious of any change that might nudge Cuba closer to capitalism.

Carlos Alzugaray, a former Cuban ambassador and a Communist Party member, described the current struggle as generational.

“Raúl used to say our worst enemy is the old mentality, and that’s what I think is happening: that the old leaders don’t want to change,” said Mr. Alzugaray. “Raúl wants change, and the younger leaders want change but are worried that they will be criticized for not being truthful to the revolution of Fidel Castro.”

The problem, as the country’s prime minister, Manuel Marrero, said earlier this month when speaking about the urgency to make reforms, is that “people do not eat plans.”

Details about Cuba’s future were left unaddressed at this year’s congress. Instead, Mr. Castro’s opening speech on Friday started with a history lesson.

“As long as imperialism exists, the party, the state and the people will pay maximum attention to the defense services,” Mr. Castro said, referring to the United States. “History teaches, too eloquently, that those who forget this principle do not survive error.”

Hanging over the congress was the recent change of leadership in the United States and what prospects or challenges the new administration of President Biden may hold for Cuba.

As vice president during the Obama administration, Mr. Biden helped normalize Cuban-American relations, allowing remittances to flow and lifting travel restrictions. Those policies were reversed once President Donald J. Trump took office, and what economic gains Cuba made were swiftly wiped away.

During his presidential campaign, Mr. Biden promised to thaw relations with Cuba once more. But the Biden administration cooled to the idea after Democrats fared worse than expected in Florida, with Cuban-Americans supporting Mr. Trump and his hawkish foreign policy.

Earlier this month, Juan Gonzalez, a senior National Security Council director, said Cuba was not a foreign policy priority for the Biden administration.

Mr. Castro is likely to retain some influence even in retirement, but he is leaving the day-to-day ruling of Cuba to President Díaz-Canel. When Mr. Castro stepped down in 2018 as president — the country’s second-most powerful position — he handed the job over to Mr. Díaz-Canel.

A technocrat, Mr. Díaz-Canel allowed Cubans to access the internet from their phones in 2018, and in their homes the following year — changes many feel helped fuel protests and demands for greater political freedom.

In January, he further opened up the country to private enterprise, expanding the types of businesses Cubans could enter.

But Cuban leaders are proceeding cautiously.

“The government is deathly afraid of change it is not in control of, because it would threaten their economic and political position,” said Ted Henken a professor at Baruch College in New York and author of “Cuba’s Digital Revolution.”

“It is afraid of any change that it is not choreographing and in control of, and that doesn’t come from the top down — which is ironic for what began as a popular revolution that was massively supported by the people.”

Read the original article from the New York Times here.

It is an insult to human dignity and intelligence to listen to Cuban dictators preach loudly and without hesitation that Cuba is a healthcare power when cases like these take place. 

Anyone with a single shred of dignity would find it very difficult to live in Cuba. It is certainly revolting to hear Cuban leaders speak of the virtues of their healthcare system, and to know they sell this idea with great success.

These immoral rulers take advantage of the media to scrupulously wash their disgusting image that they then sell and export so successfully. I’ve been told many others want to emulate them in their countries, although I find that hard to believe.

Yet I will not talk today about the poor hygiene and lack of food in hospitals. Nor will I discuss the great shortage of medicines, the unreliability of medical equipment, or the discontent of professionals and workers in healthcare (due low wages and terrible working conditions.)

I won’t talk about the deficit of doctors due to the excessive exports of healthcare professionals— whose true purpose is to paint the dictators in a false image of philanthropy abroad.

The tyrant’s mayor export is socialism, and up to now, it’s biggest buyer has been Venezuela. They’ve spent more on Cuba than the Soviet Union did before collapsing under the inefficiency of the same centralized economy that the two Latin American regimes propose.

Central planning leads to absolute control. Every economic activity is in the state’s hands, and not being able to properly manage everything, basic services start to falter. By nature of being under control of the dictator, there is no one to hold accountable or complain to. Whomever tries to help is sanctioned.

Which is why I want to focus instead on the most basic of health services: the ambulance.

The ambulance service is known as the Integrated System of Medical Emergencies of Cuba, or SIUM. It is an insult to human dignity and intelligence to listen to Cuban dictators preach loudly and without hesitation that Cuba is a healthcare power when cases occur like in the video above.

In the “healthcare power” of Cuba, the inhabitants of Nitrogeno, a rural community located in the Camagüey province, do not have access to this basic emergency service.

Recently, a 90-year-old man had to be transferred in terrible health to the hospital in a horse-drawn cart, as the efforts made by relatives and neighbors to obtain SIUM services were unsuccessful.

The old man had to suffer for more than 2 km by impassable roads before arriving at the hospital, and—as if that was not enough to demonstrate the false humanism of the Cuban system— a well-intentioned neighbor, owner of the rustic transport, was given a fine for having used the precarious means of transportation for a purpose not authorized by the Castros.

That’s the way it is. And those that crave that their countries be like Cuba should know. Socialism demands that the means of production be collectively owned, so even a cart must serve the “interests of the revolution.”

Here, no form of solidarity is possible. Because the Government must verify, authorize and allow even the simplest help. In socialism, the annulment of private property extends to all private action.

Nothing is yours, not even your will. So if you dare to help another when the state fails, prepare for the consequences.

There are not enough words!

Until next time.